By Samuel Marquis

Like many important Indigenous American historical figures, the young war captain and statesman Lawrence the Mohawk was recognized in his own Age of Revolution for his leadership, fighting abilities, and diplomatic skills that helped counter the shared threat posed by the hostile French colonial territory of New France, in what is today eastern Canada. During the Glorious Revolution and King William’s War (1689-1697), Lawrence played a central role fighting against the French and their Indigenous allies sweeping down from Canada. At the time, Catholic France was an absolutist monarchy, antithetical to the John-Lockian democratic republicanism enjoyed by England with its constitutional monarchy. Today, we know about the obscure but bold and noteworthy Lawrence largely from Hilletie van Olinda, the key female translator at many of the Albany council meetings where his military and diplomatic actions were recorded. The official Crown interpreter of New York Province, the biracial Mohawk-Dutch woman was Lawrence’s close friend and an important figure in colonial American history in her own right.

Hilletie van Olinda (1646-1707). Schenectady County Historical Society.

A towering figure during the first of four wars fought between England and France for control of North America, Lawrence was especially well respected as a war leader and peace diplomat among the people of the Five Nations of the Iroquois, or Haudenosaunee, “the People of the Longhouse.” He was also venerated and heavily relied upon by Major-Colonel Peter Schuyler, the mayor of Albany, commander of the New York militia, New York governor’s council member, and lead commissioner of Indian Affairs, and by the Anglo-Dutch of Albany and Schenectady, whose descendants erected a statue in his honor.¹

Born around 1663 into the Mohawk Wolf Clan near Tionnontoguen in the Mohawk River Valley, Lawrence was a young but rising war leader, peace negotiator, and member of the Albany Dutch Reformed Church by the early 1690s. Not only did he lead the Haudenosaunee in several important war expeditions against the French in King William’s War with Colonel Schuyler and his younger brother Captain Johannes Schuyler, but he conducted peace conferences and negotiated with French-Canadian leaders for the return of Iroquois and English war prisoners. ² Allied with Schuyler and the settlers of Albany throughout much of his life, Lawrence came from a prominent family of the Mohawk Wolf Clan and proved himself in battle against imperial French, Algonquin, and other North American Indigenous enemies on many occasions.³

The Iroquois League, or Five Nations as the Confederation was known, consisted of the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca, living in what is today the Albany-Schenectady region and most of New York State, northern Pennsylvania, and the eastern Great Lakes region.⁴ The Haudenosaunee were not only a critical trading partner for the Anglo-Dutch of New York, but a protective shield for both the Hudson River Valley settlements and New York City in fending off attack by French professional soldiers, Canadian militia, and their Wendat (Huron), Odawa (Ottawa), and Laurentian Iroquois allies from the Montreal and western Great Lakes regions.⁵

The Mohawk River Valley is a natural passageway connecting the Atlantic Ocean to the North American interior via the Hudson River. Photo by Samuel Marquis.

The formal alliance between the Five Tribes of the Iroquois Nation and English North American colonists in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was known as the Covenant Chain. Initiated in 1677, the political arrangement established a series of treaties to stabilize relations with the Haudenosaunee by engaging in peaceful trading and community building within New York and bordering colonies. With the colonial governments of New York, Massachusetts, Maryland, and Virginia signing on to the treaties, the Covenant Chain alliance ensured mutual cooperation between the People of the Longhouse and the four English colonies, and between the Iroquois and their traditional enemies, which included the Mahican, Schaghticoke, Susquehannock, and other Algonquin peoples. Colonel Schuyler, Albany’s Euro-American settlers, and the Five Nations referred to each other as “Brethren” in recognition of the fact that they were bounded together as trusted friends and allies.⁶

The Laurentian Mohawks allied with the French in Canada were transplants from the Mohawk River Valley west of Albany to the St. Lawrence River Valley in the 1670s and 1680, joining the so-called “praying Indians” who had embraced Catholicism practiced by Jesuit priests. These Canadian Iroquois were loyal to the French and fought against the Iroquois of the Five Nations to the south and west that included the small but growing minority of Protestant Christian Mohawks like Lawrence, who fought alongside the English in colonial North America. Despite their internal differences and varying allegiances, the Mohawks were overall more allied with the English than the French and were more firmly Anglophile than the Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas.⁷

Although the Jesuits in Canada had baptized Lawrence and his wife Maria, the young husband and wife rejected the French up north near Montreal in 1689 and returned to live in Tionnontoguen. Maria was the daughter of the powerful Turtle Clan matriarch Karanondo (Lifter) and Tionnontoguen was the westernmost “principal” Mohawk settlement, or “castle” as the English called Iroquois villages due to their strong wooden fortifications, near present-day Palatine, New York. In the late 17th century, the village was referred to as the “upper castle” due to its position as the farthest upstream Iroquois village on the Mohawk River.⁸ Because the Iroquois matrilineal kinship system placed prime importance on the mother’s kin, Lawrence and Maria were a young married couple of great social prominence among the Mohawks and, upon their return south, the two had been kindly received in Albany by both Mayor Schuyler and the Dutch domine Father Godfredius Dellius, spiritual leader of Albany’s Protestant Dutch Reformed Church. Living in the Mohawk River Valley, Lawrence and Maria had two sons together, Henry and Hendrick, and adopted a third son, Sagonorasse (Christian name Adam), whose parents had been killed in a raid.⁹

The young couple and other anti-French League Iroquois were open to Christianity but feared the political power that the Canadian Jesuit missionaries exercised among the Five Nations. By the fall of 1689, Father Dellius had achieved success in cultivating several Iroquois religious and political allies by instructing, converting, and baptizing them as Protestant Christians. For Father Dellius and Lawrence, politics and conversion went hand in hand to strengthen personal ties between the People of the Longhouse and the English.¹⁰ Lawrence, Maria, and their fellow Christian Mohawks embraced Protestantism by finding a middle ground between European and Iroquois religious custom. They recognized how Christianity could be a means of protecting themselves and their people; bridge the gap between Europeans and Native Americans; and bring a lasting peace between their people and their Anglo-Dutch neighbors, whose numbers were visibly growing.¹¹

During King William’s War and throughout his life, Lawrence remained close to Peter Schuyler, who conducted all council meetings with the Five Nations and other Indigenous tribes of New York and was the top government official in negotiations in the absence of the colonial governor. He received all news of the French or their Indian allies in Canada first in Albany, and he, in turn, transmitted this information to the Crown-appointed governor in New York City. As the most prominent leader in borderlands Indian diplomacy during the early colonial era, Schuyler served as liaison and protector of the League Iroquois. Because of his dedicated public service toward the Five Nations, Lawrence and his fellow Iroquois bestowed upon him the honorable moniker “Brother Quider,” the council title for the government of Albany based on a Mohawk pronunciation of Schuyler’s given name, “Peter.”¹²

Colonel Peter Schuyler (1657–1724). New York Public Library.

The Young War Captain and Diplomat in King William’s War

Lawrence burst onto the scene in February of 1690 in the early stages of King William’s War. In late 1688, the Dutch Prince William of Orange and his wife Princess Mary of England had seized the English throne with the aid of the Whig aristocracy and military leadership to become King William III and Queen Mary II. The coup d’état became known as the “Glorious Revolution.”¹³ Soon after assuming power, in May 1689, William III joined the British and Dutch Republic’s forces with those of Leopold I, the Holy Roman Emperor, in the “War of the League of Augsburg” against imperial France. King William’s War, as it would become known in the American colonies, turned into a global contest fought for the next nine years in Europe, West Africa, the East and West Indies, and English and French North America.¹⁴

When King William’s War came to colonial America in the summer of 1689, Peter Schuyler, took a leading role in the planning, administration, and fighting against the French in key battles with Lawrence at his side.¹⁵ Their foremost adversary was Count Frontenac, the courtier-governor of New France and commander in chief of the French and Indian forces of the Canadian frontier. A brave and dedicated military man most of his life who has risen to the lofty rank of brigadier general, the aristocratic French count delivered the conflict’s first blow when he launched the “Schenectady Massacre.”¹⁶

On the frigid night of February 8, his 114 battle-hardened French soldiers and French-Canadian bushfighters, eighty non-League Mohawks from the Kahnawake and La Montagne missions near Montreal, and sixteen Canadian Algonquins caught the sleeping village of 250 souls by surprise. By morning, fifty-six of the Schenectady settlers lay dead and only a handful of the eighty houses remained unburned and standing. That same day, the French and Indian war party set off for the long return journey to Montreal with twenty-seven men and older boys as prisoners.¹⁷

Saddened by the sight of so much “blood shed,” Lawrence swiftly rounded up a war party of eighty Mohawks and Mahicans with Major Peter Schuyler’s firm backing to chase down the retreating French and Indian force before it reached Montreal.¹⁸ Lawrence vowed to bring the “prisoners back again either by force or by stratagem.” By this, the captain meant that he would recover the captives either by killing the enemy outright, or through diplomacy by conducting ransom negotiations with his kindred Laurentian Mohawks or the French officers.¹⁹

True to his word, Lawrence and his fast-moving war party set out on February 12, 1690, in pursuit of the Frontenac’s retreating force. Schuyler provided Lawrence and his warriors with muskets, powder, food, and supplies for the hard journey on snowshoes. Lawrence and his determined Mohawk and Mahican warriors caught up to the rear of the retreating column north of Lake Champlain within three days of Montreal.²⁰ Despite the “extreme snow above knee deep” and the enemy’s nearly four-day head start, the Mohawk war captain avenged Schenectady less than a fortnight after leaving Albany.²¹ With trade muskets, tomahawks, war clubs, and scalping knives, he and his braves pitched ferociously into the French soldiers lagging far behind their commander and the bulk of the withdrawing army. When it was all over, Lawrence and his warriors had dispatched and scalped twenty of the enemy, sixteen of whom were Frenchmen, while taking nineteen French soldiers and one Laurentian Mohawk as prisoners. They showed mercy to the Laurentian Mohawk auxiliaries, their Iroquois kin, throughout the pursuit except for the one warrior they took captive. However, they failed to recover any of the captured Schenectady townspeople, who had been under close guard far ahead of the stragglers with the main column. With their bound enemy captives, Lawrence and his exhausted war party trudged back more than 150 miles to Albany in their snowshoes and heavy animal-fur coats, arriving in early March.²²

Fighting alongside his “Brother Quider” and the major’s younger brother, Captain Johannes Schuyler, Lawrence played a major role in several more engagements in King William’s War to thwart French ambitions in the region. Voted as a war captain by his fellow Iroquois and Mahican warriors for the 1690 English invasion of the Montreal region, he served bravely in the victory over the French at Fort La Prairie.²³ The following year, he returned to French Canada as Major Peter Schuyler’s right-hand war captain at the First and Second Battles of La Prairie. In the two battles at La Prairie south of Montreal, Schuyler and Lawrence’s invasion force traveling 220 miles by canoe and on foot consisted of 120 New Yorkers, 80 League Mohawks, and 66 Mahicans. Their Anglo-Iroquois force of 266 men defeated two of Count Frontenac’s French and Indigenous armies separately that combined were more than three times their size. In the bloody hand-to-hand fighting at the First and Second Battles of La Prairie, Lawrence fought alongside Schuyler and the two warriors—one a Dutch American frontiersman, the other a Native American steeped in Iroquois warrior culture and tradition—took part in multiple charges and countercharges that lasted for hours.²⁴ At the time, Frontenac called the contest “the most obstinate battle that has ever been fought in Canada.”²⁵

Lawrence followed up these events by playing a key military role during the February 1693 French invasion of the Mohawk River Valley. In the 1693 campaign, Frontenac’s four hundred battle-hardened French Troupes de la Marine and French-Canadian bushfighters, along with two hundred Native allies consisting of 120 Kahnawake Iroquois and 80 Wendats, Abenakis, Algonquins, and Sokokis from southern Canada and the Laurentian missions near Montreal, burned three Mohawk villages to the ground in the Mohawk River Valley and took more than three hundred men, women, and children prisoner.²⁶ At the ensuing Battle of the Hudson, Schuyler, Lawrence, and their fast-moving army of 250 militiamen and 290 Mohawks caught up with the withdrawing war party and soundly defeated Frontenac’s force of six hundred men, holding the field. However, the French and Indian column escaped because Schuyler and Lawrence ran low on provisions and were unable to cross the Hudson because the ice had broken up.²⁷ By the time the retreating force straggled into Montreal, the French had lost nearly one hundred men, had nearly two score wounded, and carried with them a mere five percent of the original 320 Mohawk prisoners taken, the remainder having been liberated by Schuyler and Lawrence or having escaped their captors.²⁸

Along with contesting the invading French, Lawrence and his fellow Mohawks were crucial in the rebuilding of Schenectady following the 1690 “massacre.” The destroyed village might not have even been rebuilt “were it not for the entreaties of Lawrence and other Mohawks. Between helping to rebuild and protect the village, to the condolence ceremonies and the burnishing of their symbolic silver chain, the Mohawks made it known that they were true allies.” The Mohawk-Dutch interpreter Hilletie van Olinda, who had survived the winter attack, and her fellow Schenectadians reciprocated the “Two Row Wampum Belt agreement” by constructing two Mohawk longhouses in the revitalized village. With this symbolic exchange in the wake of a tragedy that had dramatically affected both peoples, no longer were the Mohawks and Anglo-Dutch of skahnéhtati—the beautiful place beyond the open pines—sailing separately down the river of life. Now they were “a united, amalgamated community.”²⁹

Indeed, Lawrence proved to be as much a peacemaker as a war captain. In March of 1691, he and a group of young Mohawks brought Native Canadian war captives to Montreal and held a council to secure a peace initiative with the French and the Laurentian Iroquois community, where Lawrence had once lived among the Jesuit priests. In his diplomatic outreach, Lawrence and his fellow war captain and friend Onnonouagaren, who served as council spokesman, proposed that the English- and French-allied Iroquois unite to restore peace to the Hudson River-Lake Champlain-Chambly River corridor. If the Laurentians agreed to withhold support from Count Frontenac, Lawrence promised to seek peace with his English allies in Albany to save Iroquois lives on both sides. Unfortunately, the French, English, and other Four Nations rejected Lawrence and Onnonouagaren’s peace initiative since they anticipated new raids by their enemies.³⁰

All the same, the Anglophile sachem (headman) Sanonguirese and other Mohawk elders recognized what an outstanding job the two young, idealistic Iroquois diplomats had done in laying the groundwater for peaceful negotiations by sparing the lives of the Canadian Iroquois hunting party. “The Governor of Canada was glad to see them there in his country,” declared Sanonguirese to Peter Schuyler and New York’s Indian Affairs officials in the council meeting, with Hilletie van Olinda acting as interpreter. “It was even as if the sun shined upon him when he saw his children there and gave them one belt of wampum for all the Five Nations and thanked Lawrence the Maquase and his company for sparing of his children the praying Indians.”³¹

The Legacy of Lawrence the Mohawk

Following King William’s War and the Grand Settlement of 1701 that ended the horrific fighting and brought peace to the Haudenosaunee through neutrality toward both England and France, Lawrence was in his late thirties and had put aside the trade musket, war club, and scalping knife in favor of spending more time hunting, engaging in the “Creator’s game” of lacrosse, and being with his family.³² Like many Iroquois who survived the bloody imperial and intertribal conflicts of the 1690s, he focused on regrouping, rebuilding, and restoring “a measure of the way of life so long disrupted by warfare.”³³ He continued to call Tiononderoge home with his wife and their three sons, the last of whom was born in 1704. ³⁴

Because of his military success, long-term close ties to Peter Schuyler and the Albany elite, and influential Mohawk hereditary status, he remained in high esteem throughout his life among both the Five Nations and the survivors of the 1690 Schenectady attack, whose descendants continue to this day to celebrate him for coming to their ancestors’ aid.³⁵ For his many sacrifices on behalf of his Iroquois people and the Anglo- Dutch colonists of New York, it is only fitting that the prominent Mohawk war captain and peace negotiator is memorialized to this day in an iconic statue in Schenectady. Erected at the intersection of North Ferry, Green, and Front Streets in the Stockade Historic District, the “Lawrence the Indian” statue went up in 1887 and has been a popular attraction for nearly 140 years.³⁶

Statue of Lawrence the Mohawk. Photo by Samuel Marquis.

Though it is doubtful that Lawrence closely resembled the much-visited statue that bears his name, he remains a source of great pride to the Haudenosaunee and people of Schenectady. The multi-pieced casting assemblage of “Lawrence the Indian” is, in fact, a widely reproduced sculpture produced by J. L. Mott Iron Works on the Harlem River in the Bronx and listed in the Mott Statuary catalog as “No. 53 Indian Chief.” Originally selling for $500, there are today more than twenty-five No. 53 Indian Chiefs in existence, including Tecumseh in Ohio and Hiawatha in Maryland.³⁷

Despite its lack of uniqueness, the sculpture, refurbished in 2012, continues to be a venerated cultural attraction. Today, the people of Schenectady consider Lawrence not only a source of profound historical inspiration but their personal protector watching over their city, just like the original warrior and peacemaker who defended the Hudson and Mohawk River Valleys in the late 17th century.³⁸

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Samuel Marquis, M.S., P.G., is a professional hydrogeologist, expert witness, historian, and award-winning author of Empire and Frontier: Colonel Peter Schuyler and the Valiant Iroquois in King William’s War, 1689-1701, Captain Kidd: A True Story of Treasure and Betrayal, and twelve other non-fiction-history and historical-fiction books, covering the period from colonial America through WWII. His newest American history work, Franklin’s Sea Warriors: The Patriot-Pirate Navy that Won the American Revolution (Diversion/Simon & Schuster), is forthcoming May 2027.

Title Image: Attack on an English Post by the French and the Indians in 1690. Source: Wikimedia Commons.

Abbreviations for Primary Government Sources:

DHNY – Documentary History of the State of New York, ed. E. B. O’Callaghan. 4 vols. Weed, Parsons, 1849–1851.

NYCD – Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, eds. E. B. O’Callaghan and Berthold Fernow. 15 vols. Weed, Parsons, 1856–87.

Endnotes:

1. DHNY, v. 1, 255, 266, 303, 313, 315, 318; DHNY, v. 2, 80–218; George W. Schuyler, Colonial New York: Philip Schuyler and His Family, vol. 1 (Charles Scribner & Sons, 1885), 169, 323–324; Neil B. Reynolds, “Lawrence the Maquase,” Bulletin of the Schenectady County Historical Society 6, no. 1 (Sept. 1962), in The Stockade Spy, XXI, no. 7 (April 1962), 1-3.
2. Barbara J. Sivertsen, Turtles, Wolves, and Bears: A Mohawk Family History (Heritage Books, 2006), 22–26; Reynolds, “Lawrence the Maquase,” 1-3; Eric Hinderaker, The Two Hendricks: Unraveling a Mohawk Mystery (Harvard University Press, 2010), 40–41; William Hart, “For the Good of Their Souls”: Performing Christianity in Eighteenth-Century Mohawk Country (University of Massachusetts Press, 2020), 51–54; Jon Parmenter, The Edge of the Woods: Iroquoia, 1534–1701 (Michigan State University Press, 2010), 211. Unfortunately, Lawrence the Mohawk’s original Native name is lost to history, and he is known only by his Anglicized Christian name “Lawrence” that he took in the late 1680s during his baptism by the French Jesuits at the Kahnawake Iroquois mission outside Montreal. His baptismal name was likely in tribute to Saint Lawrence, one of the seven deacons of Rome under Pope Sixtus II, who were martyred in the persecution of the Christians ordered by the Roman emperor Valerian in 258 A.D.
3. Samuel Marquis, Empire and Frontier (Pegasus Books, 2026), 21.
4. Timothy J. Shannon, Iroquois Diplomacy on the Early American Frontier (Penguin Books, 2009), 23–24; Daniel K. Richter, The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization (University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 1, 30; Susan J. Staffa, Schenectady Genesis: How a Dutch Colonial Village Became an American City, Circa. 1661-1800, Volume I: The Colonial Crucible, Ca. 1661-1774 (The Colonial Schenectady Project, 2023), 317; Sivertsen, Turtles, Wolves, and Bears, 11–12; Francis Jennings, The History and Culture of Iroquois Diplomacy: An Interdisciplinary Guide to the Treaties of the Six Nations and Their League (Syracuse University Press, 1995), 7; Hinderaker, Two Hendricks, 16.
5. Schuyler, Colonial New York, 306, 321, 365, 383, 405, 479, 497; Alan Taylor, American Colonies: The Settling of North America (Penguin Books, 2002), 251–253; Patricia Bonomi, A Factious People: Politics and Society in Colonial New York (Cornell University Press, 2015), 18–26.
6. Richard L. Haan, “Covenant and Consensus: Iroquois and English, 1676–1760,” in Beyond the Covenant Chain: The Iroquois and Their Neighbors in Indian North America, 1600–1800, ed. James H. Merrell, et al. (Penn State University Press, 2003), 43–45; Michael Kammen, Colonial New York: A History (Scribner, 1975), 114; Parmenter, Edge of the Woods, 151–152; Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, 135–137.
7. Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, 126; Allen W. Trelease, Indian Affairs in Colonial New York: The Seventeenth Century (University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 14–24; Hart, “For the Good of the Their Souls,” 35; Sivertsen, Turtles, Wolves, and Bears, 84.
8. Sivertsen, Turtles, Wolves, and Bears, 22–26; Hinderaker, Two Hendricks, 40–41; Hart, “For the Good of the Their Souls,” 51–54; Parmenter, Edge of the Woods, 211.
9. Ned Blackhawk, The Rediscovery of America: Native Peoples and the Unmaking of U.S. History (Yale University Press, 2023), 78; Staffa, Schenectady Genesis, 65; Sivertsen, Turtles, Wolves and Bears, 22–26; Hinderaker, Two Hendricks, 40–41.
10. Lamberville to Millet, May 6, 1690; Leisler to Shrewsbury, Oct. 20, 1690, NYCD, v. 3, 715, 753; NYCD, v. 4, 26; Letter from gentleman, DHNY, v. 2, 431; Daniel K. Richter, Trade, Land, Power: The Struggle for Eastern North America (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), 118–119; Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, 165; Nancy L. Hagedorn, “A Friend to Go Between Them: Interpreters among the Iroquois, 1664–1775” (PhD diss., College of William and Mary, 1995), 71–76.
11. Propositions of Mohawks to Sloughter, May 26, 1691, NYCD, v. 3, 771–772; Hart, “For the Good of the Their Souls,” 55–56.
12. Lawrence H. Leder, ed. The Livingston Indian Records, 1666–1723 (Pennsylvania Historical Association, 1956), 176, 186–187, 193, 196, 197; Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, 164; Richter, Trade, Land, Power, 118.
13. David S. Lovejoy, The Glorious Revolution in America (University Press of New England, 1987), 225–234; Guy Chet, The Colonists’ American Revolution: Preserving English Liberty 1607–1783 (John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 2020), 23; Robert C. Ritchie, The Duke’s Province: A Study of Politics and Society in New York, 1664-1691 (University of North Carolina Press, 1977), 198.
14. Thomas J. Archdeacon, New York City, 1664–1710: Conquest and Change (Cornell University Press, 1976), 32–96; Bonomi, Factious People, 24–26.
15. Albany Convention Records, Sept. 4, 1689, Nov. 9–16, 1689, Nov. 25, 1689, and Nov. 29, 1689–Jan. 21, 1690; Sheriff Pretty to Milborne, Albany, Jan. 15, 1690; Leisler to Albany Convention, New York, Dec. 28, 1689, DHNY, v. 2, 59–60, 90, 113–114, 120–156.
16. Memorial of Albany to Connecticut, March 12, 1690, NYCD, v. 3, 692–694.
17. Livingston, Examination of three French Prisoners, Albany, March 3, 1690, in Leder, Livingston Indian, 160; Monseignat, Occurrences, Nov. 1689 to Nov. 1690; List of Ye People Killed and Destroyed, DHNY, v. 1, 302–306; Albany Council, Feb. 22, 1690, DHNY, v. 2, 163; Parmenter, Edge of the Woods, 210-211, 357 (Endnote 76).
18. Albany Council, Dec. 16, 1689; Feb. 11, 12, and 13, 1690, DHNY, v. 2, 137, 157–159; Albany Council, Feb. 9 and 22, 1690, DHNY, v. 1, 303, 306.
19. Albany Council, Feb. 11, 1690, DHNY, v. 2, 157; Albany Council, Feb. 22, 1690, DHNY, v. 1, 306.
20. Albany Council, Feb. 11 and 13, 1690, DHNY, v. 2, 157–158; Parmenter, Edge of the Woods, 210–211, 225; Reynolds, “Lawrence the Maquase,” 1-3; Staffa, Schenectady Genesis, 65.
21. Schuyler to Bradstreet, Albany, Feb. 15, 1690, in A History of the Schenectady Patent in the Dutch and English Times, ed. Jonathan Pearson and J. W. MacMurray (Joel Mansell’s Sons, 1883), 255.
22. Schuyler to Bradstreet, Albany, Feb. 15, 1690, in History of the Schenectady Patent, 255; Leisler to Bishop of Salisbury, New York, March 31, 1690, DHNY, v. 1, 309; Livingston to Andros, Hartford, April 14, 1690, NYCD, v. 3, 708.
23. Winthrop, Journal, NYCD, v. 4, 196; John Schuyler journal, DHNY, v. 2, 287; Narrative 1689, 1690, NYCD, v. 9, 481.
24. Schuyler’s journal, NYCD, v. 3, 800-805; Narrative 1689, 1690, NYCD, v. 9, 522–523; Francis Parkman, Count Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV, Volume One (Little, Brown, and Company, 1897), 293; Schuyler, Colonial New York, 384-388.
25. Narrative 1689, 1690, NYCD, v. 9, 520.
26. Champigny, Narrative Military Operations 1692, 1693, Quebec, Aug. 17, 1693; Narrative 1692, 1693, NYCD, v. 9, 550, 557; Schuyler’s report to Fletcher, March 8, 1693, NYCD, v. 4, 16, 17; Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, 173–174; W. J. Eccles, Frontenac: The Courtier Governor (University of Nebraska Press, 2003), 252.
27. Schuyler’s report to Fletcher, March 8, 1693, NYCD, v. 4, 17-19.
28. Champigny, Narrative Military Operations 1692, 1693, Quebec, Aug. 17, 1693; Narrative 1692, 1693, NYCD, v. 9, 552, 561; Schuyler, Colonial New York, 402; Parkman, Count Frontenac, 315; Eccles, Frontenac, 254; Parmenter, Edge of the Woods, 226.
29. Staffa, Schenectady Genesis, 324.
30. Bruyas to Frontenac, April 5, 1691, JR, v. 64, 57–64; Sloughter’s address and responses, June 1–5, 1691, NYCD, v. 3, 773–780; Champigny to Minister, May 10, 1691, NYCD, v. 9, 499; Parmenter, Edge of the Woods, 215–216; Gretchen Lynn Green, “A New People in an Age of War: The Kahnawake Iroquois, 1667–1760” (PhD diss., College of William & Mary, 1991), 120.
31. Propositions of Mohawk Sachems to Sloughter, June 4, 1691, NYCD, v. 3, 777.
32. Marquis, Empire and Frontier, 267.
33. Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, 213.
34. Sivertsen, Turtles, Wolves, and Bears, 25–26, 227.
35. Marquis, Empire and Frontier, 268.
36. Grems-Doolittle Library Collections, “A Stockade Icon: Lawrence the Indian,” Grems-Doolittle Library Collections Blog, September 12, 2013, https://gremsdoolittlelibrary.blogspot.com/2013/09/a-stockade-icon-lawrence-indian.html; David Giacalone, “Looking for Lawrence,” Suns along the Mohawk Blog, Oct. 11, 2009, https://giacalonephotos.com/2009/10/11/looking-for-lawrence/; Michael P. Farrell, “A Little Work for Lawrence,” Albany Times Union, May 3, 2012; Grems-Doolittle Library Photograph Collection, “Street View of Lawrence the Indian Statue, Stockade, Schenectady, NY, 1908,” New York Heritage Digital Collections, August 16, 2019, https://cdm16694.contentdm.oclc.org/digital/collection/p16694coll45/id/145; Frank F. Gilmore, “Lawrence the Indian Proves to Be Example of Ship Carver’s Art,” Daily Gazette, June 3, 2012, https://www.dailygazette.com/opinion/op-ed-column-lawrence-the-indian-proves-to-be-example-of-ship-carver-s-art/article_d7cd1502-f446-5a7b-a1a6-79becfc8635.html.
37. Grems-Doolittle Library Collections, “Stockade Icon;” Giacalone, “Looking for Lawrence;” Farrell, “Little Work for Lawrence;” Grems-Doolittle Library Photograph, “Street View of Lawrence;” Gilmore, “Lawrence the Indian Proves.”
38. Marquis, Empire and Frontier, 269.